Recap / Post Civil War RK Ukraine

Reichskommissariat Ukraine Recap:
Index | Pre-Civil War Reichskommissariat Ukraine | Ukrainian Civil War | Post-Civil War Reichskommissariat Ukraine | Stus' Republic of Ukraine | Dziuba's Republic of Ukraine | Ohloblyn's Republic of Ukraine | Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic | Post-Civil War Ukrainian State | Klyachkivsky's Ukrainian State | Shukhevych's Ukrainian State | Stetsko's Ukrainian State

The trio is shattered. There is nothing to do but fight.

"You have no right to criticize my methods. Were your own not worse?"

— Erwin Weinmann

The Breadbasket of the Reich has been devastated by the civil war, but the damage is not completely irreversible. All remaining partisans will be hunted down, the plantations will be rebuilt, and the Wehrmacht must be reorganized. But, each step of the way, the Security Council bickers amongst itself. Georg Leibbrandt, Otto Ohlendorf, and Hans-Otto Bräutigam all have conflicting plans to address the reconstruction and their division is only hindering their progress, angering the settlers and handing new recruits for the partisans. Though the reconstruction must be swift, the three men viciously compete to become the next Reichskommissar. In this power struggle, there are four groups to appeal to: the industrialists, the bureaucracy, the collaborators, and the police. Getting support from at least two of the institutions is required to be appointed Reichskommissar, though maintaining more influence in general will give one of these men the edge.

One of the most hotly contested institutions of this secret war is the UNC. It is no secret that Andriy Melnyk is one of the most hated men in all of Ukraine, seen as subhuman by his German superiors and a traitor by his countrymen. Even as he withers away in his deathbed, the ruling triumvirate have minimal sympathy during their visit, as Ohlendorf doesn't exchange a word, Leibbrandt haughtily considers himself superior, and Bräutigam only wants his blessing in the race. However, as Chairman of the UNC, Melnyk occupies a valuable position of power in the Reichskommissariat, which could be the decisive factor in determining Erich Koch's successor. The brewing tensions are finally released when Melnyk silently passes in his office and leaves his position vacant. Leibbrandt makes the first move and nominates his confidant, Peter Kolzhevnikov, to the position, shutting down any dissenting opinions against this and trying to take the UNC for himself. The success of this gambit will depend on who is most influential among the collaborators. The UNC can fall completely into Leibbrandt's hands or have some dissenters join Bräutigam or Ohlendorf's side, fearing that they'll lose their jobs under Leibbrandt.

With the UNC won or lost, one of Ohlendorf's allies, Erwin Weinmann, proposes a new plan to his boss: have the SS storm the UNC headquarters, hold the men inside hostage, and manufacture a crisis that would reflect poorly on Leibbrandt's leadership to delegitimize him. Though fearing the consequences of such treason, Ohlendorf gives his reluctant approval and the more rowdy SS members attempt to barricade the building. The outcome will depend on who controls the police. If it's Leibbrandt, most of the military commanders will refuse to join Ohlendorf's plan and alert the Acting Reichskommissar. If it's Ohlendorf, the military commanders join in and execute his plan smoothly. If it's Bräutigam, the military commanders will stand by, conflicted about rescuing Ukrainian hostages.

In the midst of this crisis, Leibbrandt convenes a Security Council meeting. If Leibbrandt controls the bureaucracy, the reception is exceptionally positive and most agree that Weinmann must be prosecuted. If Ohlendorf controls it, the Council is apathetic to Leibbrandt's words and a vicious argument breaks out when Weinmann accuses Leibbrandt and Bräutigam for being negligent in their duties. If Bräutigam controls it, the Council boos both Leibbrandt and Ohlendorf, demanding an investigation into both sides for treason. Pieter Schelte Heerema also starts taking sides during this controversy, joining whoever is most influential among the industrialists.

The last phase of the power struggle is Leibbrandt's call to fire Weinmann for insubordination. If the collaborators follow Leibbrandt, mountains of evidence will be rolled out against Weinmann. If they follow Ohlendorf, the UNC will refuse to provide any testifying evidence and maintain Weinmann's innocence. If Bräutigam leads the collaborators, the witnesses will testify against Weinmann, but also condemn Leibbrandt for letting the situation go out of control in the first place, discrediting both sides. By the end, the Security Council will make its own deliberation of who should succeed Koch, basing their choice on the most influential figure.

If Leibbrandt wins, the man will be jubilant and pull out old documents of his ideas, ready to implement them after years of patience. Melnyk's office is cleared out and replaced with Kozhevnikov's belongings, firmly placing the UNC under Leibbrandt's palm. Meanwhile, the Reichskommissar dissolves the Security Council and begins promoting collaborators who have loyally served him for years, affording them more power than they've ever held previously. To savor his victory, Leibbrandt pays a special visit to the still-comatose Koch, bragging that his government is now being staffed by Ukrainians diligently working alongside Germans, putting an end to his predecessor's legacy and gloating about it.

If Ohlendorf wins, he assembles his men and prepares an agenda concerning Ukraine's economic policies. He demands reforms within the system so that Ukraine can become a more attractive place for German settlement, growing a new middle class of Volksdeutsche to displace the indigenous people. Calling up his old associates and connections, shipments of men and supplies are being funneled into Ukraine, giving Ohlendorf the means to remodel the country to his wishes. Visiting the inactive Koch out of morbid curiosity, Ohlendorf can only feel contempt for his weakness, leaving him behind to focus on his future endeavors.

If Bräutigam wins, he's finally given the chance to liberalize the Reichskommissariat. Bräutigam pulls out his drafts and writes them into official documents, hopeful that they will be the first steps to realize his vision. Many of the collaborators are happy under the new regime; one of the UNC's top men, Pavlo Shanduk, is made its new Chairman and his first order of business is abolishing the Horst-Wessel anthem that they are forced to play, turning the UNC into a more native, but still anti-communist organization for Ukrainians. More ominously, Heerema is in an extremely advantageous position, as Bräutigam will need his company's investments to rebuild and give NOC the chance to worm its way through every economic institution, until they've become a megacorporation rivaling Volswagen or Krupp. For now though, Bräutigam celebrates his victory by visiting Koch, whispering a contemptuous remark to the frozen monster and leaving the lights off in his room, putting an end to his chapter in Ukraine's history.

---

This route provides examples of:

• Bait-and-Switch: One of the testimonies in Weinmann's trial seems like it will follow the others' distaste for the SS, but it actually goes in the opposite direction, calling Leibbrandt a snake who has betrayed the Reich and hating him just as much as Weinmann.
• Bystander Syndrome: If Brautigäm has control of the police, many Wehrmacht commanders will be reluctant to join Ohlendorf's takeover of the UNC headquarters, but they aren't convicted enough to do anything beyond mild protesting.
• Change the Uncomfortable Subject: Since Kampfgruppe Ohlendorf attracts the most complaints about overstepping their authority, Wagner proposes focusing on them first. Schlotterer, being an ally to Ohlendorf, wouldn't want this to sabotage his friend, so he can potentially divert Wagner's attention away by bringing up the jurisdiction problems of either the Ukrainische Hilfspolizei or the Ukrainian National Army.
• Defiant to the End: When Bräutigam holds a formal vote to confirm his office, a small cohort of hardliners offer some meager opposition, even though Bräutigam's nomination is practically assured at this point and they are slowly becoming an irrelevant faction.
• Developer's Foresight: If the Ukrainian Civil War dragged on long enough, the Reichskommissariat would start implementing hungerpolitik policies to forcibly starve entire populations and save food for those they consider "worthy". Should this occur, the post-civil war period will play a special event showing the end of this policy, where German soldiers start handing out bread to a village.
• Disproportionate Retribution: With the Reichskommissariat back in power, many are enslaved and put into hard labor as punishment. One prisoner mentions that he's being punished simply for living in a village occupied by the U-SSR, which made him suspect of learning "Judeo-Bolshevik" thought, while another admits that he's been arrested simply for talking too much.
• Empathic Environment: Bräutigam's promotion to Reichskommissar is punctuated with a sun rising over a broken city, signifying that, while the future may not necessarily be good, it will be an upgrade from life under Koch's fist and that reconstruction can now begin.
• Enemy Mine: When Kozhenikov is declared Melnyk's successor, the higher-ups of the UNC fear that they're going to be purged by Leibbrandt, so they commit treason and switch horses to Bräutigam, purely to save their own skins.
• Even Evil Has Standards: Boos and jeers fill the central chamber, after the SS storm the UNC headquarters and Bräutigam sways the bureaucrats to his side. It's so chaotic and uncivilized that Ohlendorf's supporters are taken aback, thinking that they even try to put some decorum into their brutality.
• Forced from Their Home: In retribution for Klyachkivsky's actions, the people of Zbarazh are deported from their homes, where entire families are forced to march at gunpoint and into the fields. Many perish during the journey, but their German overseers have little care for those losses, only eager to pillage the city for anything valuable and burn the rest down.
• Get Out!: When Ohlendorf and Bräutigam reject his claim of being Koch's legal successor, Leibbrandt angrily snaps at the two to get out of his office.
• Godzilla Threshold: Roman Sushko and Mykola Stsiborskyi, two members of the UNC, side with Ohlendorf if he has majority influence in the collaborator demographic. He's not their ideal choice and they fear that Ohlendorf will turn on them, but they recognize he's their best chance at survival; they consider Leibbrandt too much of a bootlicker, Brautigäm too weak, and Koch not even conscious to rely on.
• I Can't Believe I'm Saying This: Leibbrandt accuses Weinmann of treasonously blockading the UNC headquarters and Ohlendorf counters with a proposed vote of no confidence for the Acting Reichskommissar. The heated debate ends when the once-silent Bräutigam intervenes, admitting that both subjects could be covered and that a calm discussion is first needed. All three sides in the Security Council agree, for once, about this sentiment.
• I Fight for the Strongest Side!: The success of Ohlendorf's attempt to seize the UNC headquarters will depend on who controls the police and is thus the strongest side. If it's Leibbrandt, many commanders will refuse to aid the barricade, report it to the Acting Reichskommissar, and help him contain the situation. If it's Brautigäm, the commanders will still balk at Ohlendorf's plan, but refuse to do anything and let the SS storm the headquarters, requiring the Security Council's intervention. If it's Ohlendorf, the army joins the plan and their barricade of the UNC base goes smoothly.
• I Take Offense to That Last One: During a pro-Bräutigam court trial against Weinmann, Ohlendorf doesn't mind the testimonies denouncing the actions carried out by the SS, but he can't tolerate criticism of the ideals they stand for.
• Inadequate Inheritor: Discussed when Ohlendorf accuses Leibbrandt of being an inferior successor to Koch, despite being legally recognized. This takes Leibbrandt's guard down and he sputters a weak denial of the insult.
• Kick the Dog:
  • Bräutigam calls Heerema about a potential partnership in the succession race, but if Ohlendorf controls the industrialists, Heerema audibly yawns during the meeting and suddenly hangs up the phone with no warning, leaving someone else to respond that the NOC will not work with those who support "lesser races".
  • Kozhevnikov purposely kept the late Melnyk's office messy, only so that it could be a monument to his predecessor's failures. He only cleans it up after Leibbrandt's confirmed appointment and Kozhevnikov's own takeover of the UNC.
• Know When to Fold 'Em:
  • Following Melnyk's passing and Leibbrandt's seizure of the collaborators, a UNC member realizes that the portrait of their former leader has been replaced by Leibbrandt's. The collaborator recognizes it as a sign of the UNC's leash being pulled by the Nazis and feels frustrated by their lack of autonomy, but he resigns to the fact, knowing he can't do anything about it.
  • If he has control of the bureaucrats, Leibbrandt makes a speech denouncing the treachery of the SS and their storming of the UNC headquarters, proclaiming that all involved in it must be punished. Unlike so many past times, none of the opposing reformists and hardliners can stand up and oppose this sentiment, knowing that Leibbrandt is right. The best they can do is sit silently and cut their losses.
• Let No Crisis Go to Waste: After the SS treasonously take over the UNC headquarters, the reformists can seize the opportunity to cripple support for both Leibbrandt and Ohlendorf. If Bräutigam has control of the bureaucrats, the Security Council will denounce both sides of the conflict and organize an investigation into Leibbrandt and Weinmann.
• Luminescent Blush: In the final meeting before someone's authority is confirmed, Leibbrandt and Ohlendorf get into another petty argument, with the latter throwing an accusation that Leibbrandt earned his position from a fluke. This causes Leibbrandt to go red with embarrassment and desperately ask Bräutigam to back him up.
• Mexican Standoff: Ohlendorf makes a move for Koch's throne when he sends the SS to raid and barricade the UNC headquarters, starting a standoff with the Wehrmacht or the protesting bureaucrats.
• Misplaced Retribution: As punishment for Klyachkivsky's terrorism, the Nazis destroy the city of Zbarazh, pillaging anything valuable and deporting its residents.
• Mood Whiplash: So long as Leibbrandt maintains control of the bureaucrats, his speech about the UNC headquarters crisis is remarkably civil, much more than the chaos seen earlier in the event chain.
• Not So Similar: Seeing a dying Melnyk, Leibbrandt thinks about how much they have in common before quickly distinguishing himself as a man of greater will, boasting that he will not suffer the same fate as him.
• O.O.C. Is Serious Business:
  • If Bräutigam maintains control of the bureaucrats, the Security Council descends into chaos over the SS blockade, until Walter Hallstein, a low-ranking minister, intervenes and silences the debate between Leibbrandt and Ohlendorf. It's virtually unheard of for an amateur like him to end a debate between the ruling triumvirate, so the outburst captures everyone's attention and convinces them to investigate both Leibbrandt and Weinmann for possible treason.
  • Similar alarms are raised in Leibbrandt's head if Ohlendorf controls the bureaucrats, where the Security Council is suspiciously quiet, with almost no applause or boos. Weinmann speaks up and proposes a vote of no confidence for Leibbrandt, quickly revealing that it's because Ohlendorf's gambit has succeeded and he's one step closer to seizing power.
• Passive Aggressive Combat: If Leibbrandt retains control of the bureaucrats, he smoothly addresses the SS barricading the UNC's base, denouncing it as a great treason by Weinmann and vowing to investigate his benefactor, shooting a look at Ohlendorf to subtly communicate who he suspects. In turn, the reformists and hardliners, led by Ohlendorf and Bräutigam, respectively, refuse to clap for his speech, trying to bite back at Leibbrandt.
• Pet the Dog:
  • Deconstructed when the Reichskommissariat's hungerpolitik policies end. Some German soldiers offer bread to a Ukrainian town, attempting to win their good will back. However, many villagers aren't so keen to forgive or accept them, still remembering how oppressive they usually are and not expecting any substantial improvements to their livelihoods. A good action here or there isn't going to change that.
  • If Leibbrandt strings control of the industrialists, Heerema's secretary will repeatedly give excuses that her boss can't meet Bräutigam, but she does sympathize with his frustration. When Bräutigam desperately asks why Heerema is absent all the time, the secretary has a noticeably solemn tone when she mentions that he has a meeting scheduled with Leibbrandt.
• Powderkeg Crowd: If the Wehrmacht is controlled by Brautigäm or Ohlendorf, the SS blockade of the UNC headquarters is a lot more tense, with a crowd of officers and bureaucrats screaming against a line of stoic SS soldiers, barely able to rein in their desire to gun them all down.
• Pragmatic Villainy:
  • Looking over the remnant partisan forces, Weinmann proposes rounding up a man from each family in Telizhyntsi and interrogating them for information. Albert Brux doesn't necessarily disagree with the plan, but he dismisses it under the notion that they lack the manpower reserves to do so and would anger the few collaborators they still have left. Instead, Brux proposes a more moderate draft of police and settlers, as well as establishing more checkpoints and patrol routes.
  • Ohlendorf has some concern with Weinmann's suggestion that the SS storm the UNC headquarters and hold them hostage, mentioning that this will be prosecuted for treason. He only caves to the plan when Weinmann assures that they have enough loyalists to keep the UNC under their thumb.
  • If Leibbrandt controls the police, Shandruk is outraged to see the SS raid and barricade the UNC headquarters, but he stays out of their standoff with the Wehrmacht because he doesn't want to start a street fight where he can easily be killed.
  • Heerema can back Bräutigam in the race to succeed Koch, so long as he wields the most influence in the industrialists and can guarantee him a spot on the winning side.
  • Upon wielding majority control of the collaborators, Ohlendorf can convince the UNC to not testify against Weinmann under the concession that they can choose their own leader. Ohlendorf despises negotiating with collaborators, but sees no other choice.
• The Purge: After taking over the Reichskommissariat, Ohlendorf fires half of the staff in the Reichskommissar's office, sending them back to the Ostministerium on half-truth excuses, like a lack of funds or no longer needing their services. Truthfully, Ohlendorf just wants to replace them with men he considers more reliable, calling up the Reich Chamber of Economics to do so.
• The Scapegoat: During the power struggle, numerous events will cover the current problems facing the Reichskommissariat, where the characters can scapegoat Leibbrandt, Bräutigam, or Ohlendorf for the mess. This will affect their respective influences and can possibly change the Reichskommissariat's future:
  • Frustrated by the gridlock of the Security Council and their inability to let the SS handle the partisan remnants, Erwin Weinmann and Albert Brux think about blaming either one of the three leaders, in case a bandit attack strikes Kiew.
  • Two UNC members suspect that someone in the Security Council is deliberately keeping the useless Melnyk in power so that they can't build a threatening power base for themselves, in which they can blame any of the three potential leaders.
  • In the Head of the Main Department of Food Agriculture, Richard Wagner and Gustav Schlotterer are tasked with investigating conflicting jurisdictions among the Reichskommissariat's institutions, messing with the influence of Leibbrandt if they investigate the Ukrainische Hilfspolizei, Bräutigam if they investigate the Ukrainian National Army, or Ohlendorf if they investigate his Kampfgruppe.
  • After a grant to the NOC is denied by the UNC, Heerema can accuse one of the trio for obstructing his business and can spread some dirt to hinder their PR.
• "The Reason You Suck" Speech: Subverted in Ohlendorf's path. As a last act of defiance, Leibbrandt ends his resignation with a written letter to Ohlendorf, cursing him. Knowing what it's going to say, Ohlendorf barely skims the letter and discards it, with its contents not even revealed to the player.
• Rousing Speech: Subverted with Melnyk's laughable attempt at a speech during the reconstruction, where he stutters, says things as if it were a question, and ends his time on the podium with a coughing fit. It's a sign that he won't stay for long in the UNC and is only kept around by the Security Council to ensure that no one more ambitious takes over the Ukrainian collaborators.
• Shouting Free-for-All: Assuming Ohlendorf has majority influence in the bureaucrats, Weinmann's call for a removal of Leibbrandt prompts Bräutigam to question if his own actions in the SS blockade are justified, in which Weinmann responds with a Blunt "Yes" and insults his "vile liberalism". This kickstarts a massive shouting free-for-all in the Security Council, until the hardliner voices overshadow the others and place the argument firmly in Ohlendorf's palm.
• "Shut Up!" Gunshot: With the SS blockading the UNC headquarters, the situation rapidly escalates, if the Wehrmacht is not controlled by Leibbrandt. The protesting crowd decries their presence and Shandruk tries using his authority to get the SS to stand down, but it takes a single warning shot from an SS officer to silence all of them. His one line to Shandruk: "Please, Shandruk. Give me a reason to splatter your brain all over the courtyard."
• Strongly Worded Letter:
  • If Brautigäm controls the military, the Wehrmacht does not strongly intervene in Ohlendorf's plan to take over the UNC headquarters, offering measly protests at most.
  • Meanwhile, if Ohlendorf controls the military, the Army of Germania protests Ohlendorf's same plan for the UNC, but they don't give anything more than empty threats and the SS quickly barricades the headquarters without issue.
• Stunned Silence: When Leibbrandt is confirmed the Reichskommissar, he declares the dissolution of the Security Council, arguing that it has fulfilled its purpose. Everyone present is initially stunned, until a few of Leibbrandt's sycophants clap in applause and get everyone to follow.
• This Is Unforgivable!: As the testimonies against Weinmann start with Bräutigam in control of the collaborators, the last witness diverts the usual condemnation of Ohlendorf to berate Leibbrandt, calling his selfishness and incompetence an unforgivable betrayal of Germany's ideals.
• Tranquil Fury: When the hearings on Weinmann begin and Leibbrandt has majority influence in the collaborators, the UNC witnesses will openly denounce the SS for committing treason and acting against the interests of National Socialism. When Kozhevnikov sneaks a peak at Ohlendorf, the latter is silently fuming at the insult, squinting with murderous intention.
• Villain Has a Point: In a dispute of the NOC's contracts and grants, Heerema complains about the Land Management Company building farms over his rightfully owned land. While he's mostly focused on personal profit, Heerema does have a point that the state-owned company is way too bloated for its own good and even Schlotterer, an ally of Ohlendorf, agrees with him.
• What Are You in For?: Captured inside a German truck, a curious prisoner asks everyone what got them arrested. One says that he was an active rebel against the Reichskommissariat, another says that he lived in a U-SSR village and is suspected of being taught "Judeo-Bolshevik teachings", and the prompter himself says that he talked too much.
• Who's Laughing Now?: Winning the seat of Reichskommissar and sitting comfortably in his office free of Koch's belongings, Leibbrandt pulls out an old 1961 document of his ideas, recalling how badly he used to be laughed at and rhetorically asking himself where his doubters were now, mocking how close-minded they were.

---